A History of Paraguay
By Baruja, Paiva & Pinto
Chapter 5
José Gaspar Rodríguez
de Francia is one of the greatest figures in Paraguayan history
as well as the most enigmatic. Even the great Paraguayan writer
Augusto Roa Bastos scribbled a biography on Rodríguez de
Francia called “I, the Supreme” which revealed his probable
thoughts and later transformed into an undisputed piece of classic
Latin American literature. Governing from 1814 until his death in
1840, Francia successfully constructed a strong, prosperous and
strengthened independent nation in a frigid moment when the existence
of Paraguay as a distinct nation seemed improbable. When he died,
he left a peaceful nation with a stable economy and many flourishing
industries. Frugal, honored, competent and diligent, Francia was
tremendously popular with the lower classes. But despite his popularity,
Francia stepped on human rights and imposed a police authoritarian
state based on espionage and a hard coercion. Under Francia, Paraguay
suffered a change in society that destroyed the old elites.
One should note that while Francia ruled cruel prison conditions,
his mortal victims were few compared to the innumerable deaths occasioned
in the pre seen bloody revolutions which rose almost annually in
the rest of Latin America. To be exact, Francia only ordered forty
executions during his time in power.
Independent Paraguay was an area relatively underdeveloped. The
majority of the residents of Asunción and virtually all the
rural colonists were illiterate. The urban elite had access to private
tutoring. The university education, however, was restricted to the
few who had the luxury of paying for studies abroad at the prestigious
University of Córdoba in Argentina. Practically nobody had
any experience in government, finance or administration. The colonists
treated the Indians a little better than slaves and the paternal
clergy treated them as children. The country was surrounded by hostile
neighbors including the hyper bellicose tribes of the Chaco. Paraguay
was in need of a strong force to safeguard the nation from disintegration.
Francia, born in 1766, spent his school years studying theology
in the Monserrat School employed by the University of Córdoba
in Argentina. Despite the malicious rumors that his Brazilian father
was a mulatto and a tobacco grower, Francia won the much coveted
seat of theology in the Seminary of San Carlos in Asunción
in 1790, a position of which only people of “pure race”
could undertake. His radical opinions did not hold up his position
as a teacher and he resigned from his position to study law. Devoted
to the Enlightenment and the French Revolution and a keen reader
of Voltaire, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the French encyclopedism,
Francia owned the largest library collect in Asunción. His
interest in astronomy, combined with his knowledge of French and
other “deep” subject matter in Asunción impressed
several superstitious Paraguayans who considered him a magician
capable of predicting the future. As a lawyer, he was exposed himself
as a social activist and always defended the less. He demonstrated
an early interest in politics and accomplished with great difficulty
the position as mayor with his first campaign, in other words, became
the head of the municipal council of Asunción in 1809, the
highest position available to a Creole.
Following the military revolt of 14-15 of May which led to independence,
Francia changed into a member of the governing board following the
successful coup. Although the real power rested in the army, the
political cinch of Francia was worth him the support of the peasants
of the nation. Probably the only man in Paraguay with diplomatic,
financial, and administrative skills, Francia constructed his base
of power on his natural skills and powerful personality. Mocking
the Porteño diplomats in the negotiations which produced
the Treaty of the 11 of October in 1811 (of which Buenos Aires implicitly
recognized the Paraguayan independence in exchange for vague promises
of a future military alliance), Francia demonstrated his possession
of crucial skills needed for the future of the country.
Francia reinforced
his power by convincing uncertain Paraguayan elite that he was indispensable.
But by the end of 1811, he grew discontented with the political
role that the military officials were beginning to assume and resigned
from the committee. He retired to his modest farm in Ibaray, near
Asunción. From there, he continued to speak to the innumerable
commoners that used to visit, telling them that their evolution
had been betrayed, that the change of the government only signified
a transition from a Spanish elite to a Creole elite and that the
present government was incompetent and being mismanaged. In fact,
the country was rapidly headed towards a fatal crisis. The Portuguese
threatened to extend their northern borders while the “porteño”
government (the government of Buenos Aires) had practically closed
the Río de la Plata to Paraguayan commerce, besides charging
import taxes and capturing ships. To make matters worse, the porteño
government sent direct orders to form a Paraguayan army to fight
against Spaniards in Uruguay, thereby ignoring the Treaty of October
11. The porteño government also informed the committee that
it wished to open communications.
When the committee
realized that a porteño diplomat was en-route to Asunción,
they panicked because they felt that they were not competent to
negotiate without the presence of Francia. In November of 1812,
the members of the committee invited Francia to be in charge of
foreign policy, a job which Francia quickly accepted. In return,
the committee agreed to put half of the army and half of the available
ammunition under Francia’s control. Without someone to challenge
him in the committee, Francia easily gained control of the government
in a very short time. When the Argentine envoy, Nicolás de
Herrera, arrived in May of 1813, he found that all decisions had
to be approved by a Paraguayan congress that met in late September.
Meanwhile, Paraguay again declared itself independent of the Argentine
Confederation and expelled two members of its committee known to
be in favor of a union with Argentina. Under virtual house-arrest,
Herrera had few chances to obtain support in favor of the unification,
in spite of numerous bribes.
The session of congress
that began September 30, 1813, was certainly the first of its type
in Latin America. There were more than 1,100 delegates chosen by
universal male suffrage and many of these delegates represented
the poor men who are the rural Paraguayan majority. Ironically the
decisions of this democratically chosen body would be the foundation
of a long dictatorship. Herrera was not allowed to attend the sessions,
even to present his argument, instead, congress expressed overwhelming
support of Francia’s anti-imperialist and anti-union foreign
policy. The delegates rejected an invitation for a constitutional
congress in Buenos Aires and instead established a Paraguayan republic,
the first in Latin America, with Francia acting as its first consul.
It was assumed that Francia would change places every four months
with the second consul, Fulgencio Yegros; however, Francia established
his iron rule with Yegros being no more than a puppet. Yegros, a
man without political ambitions, represented the national military
Creole elite, but Francia already had much power that was based
on national popular opinion of the masses.
Francia reforzó su poder convenciendo a la insegura elite
paraguaya de que él era indispensable. Pero al final de 1811,
descontento con el papel político que los oficiales militares
estaban empezando a jugar, él renunció a la junta.
En su jubilación en su modesta chacra en Ibaray, cerca de
Asunción, les decía a innumerables ciudadanos comunes
que solían visitarlo que su revolución había
sido traicionada, que el cambio del gobierno sólo significó
la transición de una elite española hacia una elite
criolla y que el actual gobierno era incompetente y mal administrado.
De hecho, el país se estaba dirigiendo rápidamente
hacia una fatal crisis. Estaban los portugueses quienes amenazaban
exceder las fronteras norteñas y el gobierno porteño
tenía prácticamente cerrado el Río de la Plata
al comercio paraguayo imponiendo impuestos y capturando naves. Para
colmo el gobierno porteño envió órdenes directas
para formar un ejército paraguayo para combatir contra los
españoles en Uruguay desatendiendo el Tratado del 11 de octubre.
El gobierno porteño también informó a la junta
que deseaba volver a abrir conversaciones.
Cuando la junta dióse cuenta de que un diplomático
porteño estaba en camino a Asunción, hubo pánico
porque no era competente negociar sin la presencia de Francia. En
noviembre de 1812, los miembros de la junta invitaron a Francia
a encargarse de la política extranjera, oferta que Francia
aceptó. A cambio, la junta estaba de acuerdo en poner medio
ejército y mitad de las municiones disponibles bajo el mando
de Francia. En ausencia de alguien semejante a él en la junta,
Francia fácilmente controló el gobierno en muy poco
tiempo. Cuando el enviado argentino, Nicolás de Herrera,
llegó en mayo de 1813, se enteró de que todas las
decisiones tenían que ser aprobadas por un congreso paraguayo
que se reunía a más tardar en septiembre. Entretanto,
Paraguay se declaró independiente de nuevo de la Confederación
Argentina y expulsó a dos miembros de la junta conocidos
por su inocultable simpatía por la unión con la Argentina.
Bajo virtual arresto casero, Herrera tenía pocas chances
de conseguir apoyos a favor de la unificación, pese a que
acudió al soborno.
El congreso que se inició el 30 de septiembre de 1813 fue
ciertamente el primero de su tipo en América Latina. Había
más de 1.100 delegados elegidos por sufragio universal masculino
y muchos de estos delegados representaban a los pobres que son la
mayoría rural paraguaya. Irónicamente las decisiones
de este cuerpo democráticamente elegido pondrían las
bases de una dictadura larga. A Herrera no le fue permitido asistir
a las sesiones ni para presentar su declaración, en cambio
el congreso dio un apoyo aplastante a la política extranjera
antiimperialista y antiunionista de Francia. Los delegados rechazaron
una invitación para un congreso constitucional en Buenos
Aires y establecieron una república paraguaya, la primera
en América española, con Francia como primer cónsul.
Se suponía que Francia intercambiaría lugares cada
cuatro meses con el segundo cónsul, Fulgencio Yegros, pero
el consulado de Francia marcó el principio de su férreo
gobierno directo porque Yegros no era más que un títere.
Yegros, un hombre sin ambiciones políticas, representaba
a la elite nacionalista militar criolla, pero Francia ya tenía
mucho poder ya que lo basaba sobre las masas nacionalistas y populares.
Next -->